Atiśa

From Buddha-Nature


ཇོ་བོ་རྗེ་ཨ་ཏི་ཤ་
Atiśa(982 - 1054)
The Treasury of LivesRinchen Terdzö ChenmoDamngak Rinpoché DzöBuddhist Digital Resource CenterHimalayan Art Resources

Indian Buddhist monk and scholar revered by Tibetan Buddhists as a leading teacher in the later dissemination (phyi dar) of Buddhism in Tibet. His name, also written as Atisha, is an Apabhraṃśa form of the Sanskrit term atiśaya, meaning “surpassing kindness.” Born into a royal family in what is today Bangladesh, Atiśa studied Mahāyāna Buddhist philosophy and tantra as a married layman prior to being ordained at the age of twenty-nine, receiving the ordination name of Dīpaṃkaraśrījñāna. After studying at the great monasteries of northern India, including Nālandā, Odantapurī, Vikramaśīla, and Somapura, he is said to have journeyed to the island of Sumatra, where he studied under the Cittamātra teacher Dharmakīrtiśrī (also known as guru Sauvarṇadvīpa) for twelve years; he would later praise Dharmakīrtiśrī as a great teacher of bodhicitta. Returning to India, he taught at the Indian monastic university of Vikramaśīla. Atiśa was invited to Tibet by the king of western Tibet Ye shes 'od and his grandnephew Byang chub 'od, who were seeking to remove perceived corruption in the practice of Buddhism in Tibet. Atiśa reached Tibet in 1042, where he initially worked together with the renowned translator Rin chen bzang po at Tho ling monastery in the translation of prajñāpāramitā texts. There, he composed his famous work, the Bodhipathapradīpa, or “Lamp for the Path to Enlightenment,” an overview of the Mahāyāna Buddhist path that served as a basis for the genre of literature known as lam rim (“stages of the path”). (Source: "Atiśa Dīpaṃkaraśrījñāna." In The Princeton Dictionary of Buddhism, 77. Princeton University Press, 2014. http://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt46n41q.27.)


On the topic of this person

Book
History of Buddhism (Chos-hbyung), Part 2
The present volume contains the translation of the 2d Part of Bu-ton's History of Buddhism, i.e. of the historical part proper. The latter begins with the Life of the Buddha and ends with an account of the work carried out by the Tibetan Lotsavas and Indian Paṇḍits of Bu-ton's own period and immediately before him (XII and XIII Cent.), viz. the translation of the Buddhist kanonical texts and exegetical treatises from the Sanskrit. We have here, just as in the 1st Part, numerous quotations from both sūtra and çāstra. Owing to this it becomes possible to get a clear aspect of the principal sources from which Bu-ton has compiled his History, and which have likewise later on served as a basis for the work of Tārānātha. —
      Bu-ton's History of Buddhism proper is divided into the following principal parts: —
      I. The Life of the Buddha Çākyamuni, the narrative of the so-called 12 Acts of the Buddha (mdzad-pa bcu-gñis), or rather of the 12 principal events in his life. The account of the first eleven, ending with the first "Swinging of the Wheel of the Doctrine" (chos-kyi ḥkhor-lo bskor-ba = dharma-cakra-pravartana) represents a summary of the Lalita-vistara-sūtra and contains numerous verses from it. Then, after a short indication of the Second and the Third Swingings (i.e. of the Scripture of the intermediate and the later period), there follows the story of the Buddha's attainment of Nirvāṇa. It is taken from the Vinayakṣudraka (tib. Ḥdul-ba-phran-tshegs, Kangyur ḤDUL, XI), being a summary of the corresponding part of the latter.
      II. The Rehearsals of the Buddhist Scripture. This part begins with the account of the first Rehearsal (Mahākāçyapa, Ānanda, Upāli), of the death of Kāçyapa and Ānanda, and of the second Rehearsal (Yaças, Kubjita, Revata, etc.). The only source here is likewise the Vinaya-kṣudraka, the corresponding text of which is rendered in an abridged form, all the verses being quoted at full length. As concerns the 3d Rehearsal and the 18 Sects, the texts referred to on this subject are: —

      1. The Nikāya-bheda-upadarçana-saṁgraha of Vinītadeva (Tg.
         MDO. XC.).
      2. The Bhikṣu-varṣāgra-pṛcchā. of Padmākaraghoṣa (Ibid).
      3. The Prabhāvati of Çākyaprabha. (Tg. MDO. LXXXIX.)
      4. The Tarkajvālā of Bhāvaviveka. (Tg. MDO. XIX.)

The latter work, though not directly mentioned, represents the principal source. Some passages of it are fully contained in Bu-ton's text. —
      Ill. The different theories concerning the time of duration of the Buddhist Doctrine. Here we have quotations from the Karuñā-puṇḍarīka, from Vasubandhu's Commentary on the Akṣayamati-nirdeça-sūtra (Tg. MDO. XXXV.), the Commentary on the Vajracchedikā. (Tg. MDO. XVI), the Commentary on the 3 Prajñāpāramitā-Sūtras (Tg. MDO. XIV), etc. We have likewise the chronological calculations of the Sa-skya Paṇḍita and others concerning the time that has passed since the death of the Buddha.
      IV. The "prophecies" concerning the persons that have furthered the spread of Buddhism. The most important are those contained in the Lankāvatāra, the Mahākaruṇā-puṇḍarīka (Kg. MDO. VI), and the Mañjuçrī-mūlatantra. (Kg. RGYUD. XI. Narthaṅ edition, or XII. Derge edition) A separate prophecy referring to the Tantric Ācāryas, that of the Kālacakra-uttaratantra (Kg. RGYUD. I) and the Mahākāla-tantra-rāja (Kg. RGYUD. V), is given at the end of this part. It is especially the Mañjuçrī-mūla-tantra which is to be regarded as a source of the greatest importance, not only for the History of Buddhism, but for the historiography of India in general. The most interesting is that part of it which refers to the Indian kings, — Açoka, Virasena, Nanda, Candragupta, etc. Noteworthy is the passage concerning Pāṇini who is spoken of as the friend of the king Nanda. — A detailed analysis of the historically important parts of all these texts will be published by me before long. —
      V. The biographies of the celebrated Buddhist teachers, viz. Nāgārjuna, Āryadeva, Candragomin, Candrakīrti, Āryāsanga, Vasubandhu, Sthiramati, Dignāga, Dharmakīrti, Haribhadra, Çāntideva, etc. Each of these is followed by a list of the works composed by the teacher in question. An indication of the volumes of the Tangyur (Sūtra and Tantra) in which the works are contained is always given in the notes.
      VI. A short summary of the history of the grammatical literature, or rather of the legends referring to it, viz. the stories about Bṛhaspati, Pāṇini, Sarvavarman (alias Çarvavarman, Saptavarman, or lçvaravarman), etc. After that comes an enumeration of the kanonical texts (Sūtra and Tantra) which have been lost or have not been translated into Tibetan. —
      VII. Prophecies of an apocalyptic character foretelling the disappearance of the Buddhist Doctrine. Among these, that of the Candragarbha-paripṛcchā is quoted at full length with a very few abbreviations. This prophecy is treated in the Kangyur as a separate work (Kg. MDO. XXXII). In this place the text of the Lhasa block-print of Bu-ton's History contains a great number of mistakes in the proper names, which are sometimes quite illegible (e.g. Akandradha instead of Agnidatta !). A correct rendering of these names has been made possible with the help of the Derge (Sde-dge) edition of the Kangyur.
      VIII. The History of Buddhism in Tibet. It begins with the genealogy of the early legendary Tibetan kings, commencing with Ña-ṭhi-tsen-po. Next come the legends about Tho-tho-ri-ñen-tsen and Sroṅ-tsen-gam-po. These are followed by a more detailed account concerning the spread of Buddhism in Tibet during the reign of Ṭhi-sroṅ-de-tsen, viz. the activity of Çāntirakṣita (called the "Ācārya Bodhisattva"), the selection of the first 7 Tibetan monks [Sad-mi mi bdun], the dispute between the adherents of Kamalaçīla and of the Chinese Hva-çaṅ Mahāyāna (the Tsen-min and the Tön-mün), etc. Then we have a brief account of the reign of Ral-pa-can, of the persecution by Laṅ-dar-ma, and of the restauration of the Church by the 10 monks of Ü and Tsaṅ, an indication of the monasteries and monastic sections founded by the said monks and their pupils and, finally, a narrative of the events that followed, viz. the arrival of Dīpaṁkaraçrījñāna (Atīça) in Tibet and the subsequent propagation of Buddhism. In particular we have an enumeration of the texts translated by some of the Lotsavas from the Sanskrit. It may be noted that, with very few exceptions, the texts mentioned belong to the Tantric parts of the Kangyur and Tangyur. Here ends the history proper. It is followed by a list containing the names of all the Paṇḍits and Lotsavas who have acted in Tibet, beginning with Çāntirakṣita and Padmasaṁbhava. With it ends the 3d Chapter (leḥu) of Bu-ton's text: "The History of the Doctrine in Tibet".
      The last part is a systematical Index of all the Buddhist literature which has been translated from the Sanskrit by the Lotsavas and Paṇḍits. It is divided into 1. Sūtra Scripture (including the Vinaya, Prajñāpāramitā, Avataṁsaka, Ratnakūṭa, and Sūtra sections of the Kangyur), 2. Sūtra Exegesis, 3. Tantra Scripture, and 4. Tantra Exegesis. This Index, as well as the list of the Lotsavas and Paṇḍits, arranged in the alphabetical order, will form a separate 3d part which is to contain numerous other Indices and Appendices besides.
      The part now published, similar to the first, includes a great number of smaller chapters and subdivisions. The system according to which these have been designated, is the same as in the first part, and is directly connected with the latter. A full table of the contents is given at the end. — (Obermiller, introduction, 3–6)
Obermiller, Eugène, trans. History of Buddhism (Chos-hbyung): Part 2, The History of Buddhism in India and Tibet. By Bu-ston. Materialien zur Kunde des Buddhismus 19. Heidelberg, Germany: Harrassowitz, 1932. https://archive.org/details/historyofbuddhismbustonobermillere.part2historyofbuddhisminindiatibet_430_V/mode/2up.
Book
Mind Seeing Mind
Roger Jackson's Mind Seeing Mind is the first attempt to provide both a scholarly study of the history, texts, and doctrines of Geluk mahāmudrā and translations of some of its seminal texts. It begins with a survey of the Indian sources of the teaching and goes on the discuss the place of mahāmudrā in non-Geluk Tibetan Buddhist schools, especially the Kagyü. The book then turns to a detailed survey of the history and major textual sources of Geluk mahāmudrā, from Tsongkhapa, through the First Panchen, down to the present. The final section of the study addresses critical questions, including the relation between Geluk and Kagyü mahāmudrā, the ways Gelukpa authors have interpreted the mahāsiddha Saraha, and the broader religious-studies implications raised by Tibetan debates about mahāmudrā. The translation portion of Mind Seeing Mind includes eleven texts on mahāmudrā history, ritual, and practice. Foremost among these is the First Panchen Lama's autocommentary on his root verses of Geluk Mahāmudrā, the foundation of the tradition. Also included is his ritual masterpiece Offering to the Guru, which is a staple of Geluk practice, and a selection of his songs of spiritual experience. Mind Seeing Mind adds considerably to our understanding of Geluk spirituality and shows how mahāmudrā came to be woven throughout the fabric of the tradition. (Source: Wisdom Publications)
Jackson, Roger R. Mind Seeing Mind: Mahāmudrā and the Geluk Tradition of Tibetan Buddhism. Studies in Indian and Tibetan Buddhism. Somerville, MA: Wisdom Publications, 2019.
Book
Rong-zom-pa's Discourses on Buddhology
The present study looks into the investigation of buddhology1—that is, conceptions of Buddhahood found in various traditional Buddhist systems and scriptures—by the eleventh-century rNying-ma author and translator Rong-zom Choskyi-bzang-po (henceforth Rong-zom-pa). The bulk of attention will be devoted to his work titled Sangs rgyas kyi sa chen mo (henceforth Sangs sa chen mo) (An Extended [Exposition on] the Stage of a Buddha). This treatise—the only known Tibetan (and, as far as I am aware, indeed pan-Indian) work of its kind on buddhology—discusses its subject at length, focusing on the controversy about whether gnosis exists—on the conventional level—at the stage of a buddha.2 My attention was first drawn to this controversy when I was working on my Master's thesis, titled "The Life and Works of Rong-zom Paṇḍita," for which I critically edited and translated Mi-pham-rgya mtsho's (1846–1912) Rang zorn gsung 'bum dkar chag me tog phreng ba (Garland of Flowers: A Catalogue to Rong-zom's Collected Works), and prepared a detailed catalogue of Rongzom-pa's three-volume collected works.3 In his catalogue, Mi-pham devotes an entire passage to this issue, with the aim of refuting what he believed to be the wrongly held view that Rong-zom-pa denied the existence of gnosis at the stage of a buddha. Any denial of the existence of gnosis had obviously been difficult to digest by most Tibetan scholars, and the prevailing position in Tibet was and still is that a buddha does possess gnosis. Mi-pham attempts to interpret Rong-zom-pa's statements in which he unquestionably maintains that gnosis does not exist at the stage of a buddha as only referring to gnosis that had been generated on the path but not to gnosis as such, for Rong-zom-pa, Mi-pham argues, is an expounder of rDzogs-chen, a system in which what is called 'self-occurring gnosis' (rang byung gi ye shes: svayaṃbhūjñāna) features prominently. Nonetheless, from my examination of Rong-zom-pa's discussions of the whole issue, it has become evident that he did indeed deny the existence of any cognitive element whatsoever at the stage of a buddha, the sole constituent of Buddhahood being for him the purified dharmadhātu. Although he alludes to self-occurring gnosis on numerous occasions in his works, there is a salient difference between his and Mi-pham's understanding of the term: for Mi-pham self-occurring gnosis is something cognitive, whereas for Rong-zom-pa, who equates it with the dharmadhātu, it is not. Rong-zom-pa, however, does not deny that a buddha's gnosis, as mere appearance, manifests to those who have not yet attained release and thus have not yet eliminated all their delusions. A buddha, on the other hand, whose delusions have been completely exhausted, does not possess such gnosis. This position of Rong-zom-pa's does not seem to be an exceptional case. It can be shown in fact that numerous, if not the majority, of Indian Madhyamaka scholars of the eleventh century took a position similar to that of Rong-zom-pa. Furthermore, several works of early bKa'-gdams scholars that have come to light recently show that Rong-zom-pa was not the only Tibetan of his time to hold such a view. It thus appears that while the latter was indeed current among Tibetan scholars of the eleventh century, for a variety of reasons it was soon superseded by the less radical position which allows for the existence of some kind of cognitive element. (Almogi, preface, 13–14)
Notes
  1. Following Paul Harrison, I employ the term 'buddhology' (written in lower case) to refer to theories on and conceptions of the nature of a "buddha" (i.e., Buddhahood), while reserving 'Buddhology' (capitalized) for an alternative designation for Buddhist Studies. See Harrison 1995, p. 24, n. 4.
  2. In the present study I differentiate between a buddha (i.e., written in lower case and italicized), a title referring to any unspecified awakened person, and Buddha (i.e., written in roman and capitalized), a title referring to Śākyamuni Buddha or any other particular awakened person. (The same convention has been employed in the case of other titles: for example, bodhisattva versus Bodhisattva.) This differentiation is particularly important for the discussion of buddhology, or conceptions of Buddhahood, since some such conceptions (particularly the earlier ones) are clearly only associated with the person of the historical Buddha, while others, which commonly represent later developments in which a plurality of buddhas is affirmed, concern all awakened persons. To be sure, often there is no clear-cut borderline. In such cases I have employed both forms as alternatives.
  3. A considerably revised and enlarged version of the thesis is currently under preparation for publication in the near future.
Almogi, Orna. Rong-zom-pa's Discourses on Buddhology: A Study of Various Conceptions of Buddhahood in Indian Sources with Special Reference to the Controversy Surrounding the Existence of Gnosis (jñāna: ye shes) as Presented by the Eleventh-Century Tibetan Scholar Rong-zom Chos-kyi-bzang-po. Studia Philologica Buddhica Monograph Series 24. Tokyo: International Institute for Buddhist Studies, 2009.
Article
Six Tibetan Translations of the Ratnagotravibhāga
No translation of the Ratnagotravibhāga seems to have existed in Tibet before the 11th century, inasmuch as no catalogue of the imperial period (the 9th century) shows any record of one. Although only a single Tibetan translation is extant (that of rNgog Blo ldan shes rab [1069-1109] and Sajjana), ’Gos Lo tsā ba gZhon nu dpal (1392-1481) reports that up to his time six translations had already been made. In the present paper, I will examine what can be learned about the six translations, those of: (1) Atiśa and Nag tsho Tshul khrims rgyal ba, (2) rNgog Blo ldan shes rab and Sajjana (late 11th cent.), (3) Pa tshab Nyi ma grags, (4) Mar pa Do pa Chos kyi dbang phyug (1042–1136), (5) Jo nang Lo tsā ba Blo gros dpal (1299–1353 or 1300–1364), and (6) Yar klungs Lo tsā ba.
Kano, Kazuo. "Six Tibetan Translations of the Ratnagotravibhāga." China Tibetology 23, no. 2 (2014), 76–101.
Article
The Transmission of Sanskrit Manuscripts from India to Tibet
No abstract given. Here are the first relevant paragraphs:

Hardly any Sanskrit manuscripts of Buddhist scriptures remain in India today, even though such manuscripts have been discovered in surrounding regions. Tibet in particular is one of the richest treasuries of precious Sanskrit manuscripts from as early as the 8th century. These became widely known to the scholarly world in the 1930s thanks to discoveries by Rāhula Sāṅkṛtyāyana (1893-1963) in monasteries of Tsang (Tib. gTsang) province, in the Western part of Central Tibet. He had little success, however, in accessing Sanskrit manuscripts in monasteries of Ü (Tib. dBus) province, in the Eastern part of the Central Tibet among which Retreng (Tib. Rwa sgreng) monastery[1] was especially famous for its rare manuscript collection. Retreng, the former centre of the Kadam tradition located about 120 km to the Northwest of Lhasa, was founded by Dromtön Gyalwe jungne (Tib. 'Brom ston rGyal ba'i 'byung gnas, 1008-1064) in 1056. The aim of the present paper is to trace the Sanskrit manuscript collection once preserved at Retreng monastery by focusing on the transmission of individual manuscripts, and in the process to shed light on one historical aspect of Indo-Tibetan cross-cultural exchanges.

In the following, I shall (1) sketch the challenges faced by explorers trying to access the manuscript collection of Retreng monastery in the early 20th century, and then try to (2) trace the origin of the collection in Tibetan historical sources, (3) collect references to the manuscripts belonging to the collection, (4) draw up a title list of scriptural texts contained in it, (5) trace and identify its current location, and finally (6) evaluate the historicity of Atiśa's ownership of the manuscripts. (Kano, preliminary remarks, 82–83)

Notes
  1. For historical sources on Retreng, see Kano, "Rāhula," 123, n. 1.
Kano, Kazuo. "The Transmission of Sanskrit Manuscripts from India to Tibet: The Case of a Manuscript Collection in the Possession of Atiśa Dīpaṃkaraśrījñāna (980–1054)." In Transfer of Buddhism Across Central Asian Networks (7th to 13th Centuries), edited by Carmen Meinert, 82–117. Leiden: Brill, 2015.

Philosophical positions of this person

Is buddha-nature considered definitive or provisional?
 
Do all beings have buddha-nature?
  Qualified Yes

He uses it as a support for his position on a single vehicle and describe it is a disposition which is a causal potential for buddhahood.
"The term “innate śīla” means that all sentient beings have a single [or universal] spiritual disposition (gotra), Buddha-nature, or the spiritual disposition of the Mahāyāna." Kano, K., Buddha-Nature and Emptiness, p. 100.

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To which "turning of the wheel" do the buddha-nature teachings belong?
 
Is buddha-nature equated with emptiness or alayavijnana?
  Madhyamaka

Actually Great Madhyamaka. See Kano, K., Buddha-Nature and Emptiness, p. 101.

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Do buddha-nature teachings belong to the zhentong or rangtong view of emptiness?
 
Are there one or three vehicles on the path to buddhahood?
  1

"In his auto-commentary on the Bodhipathapradīpa, Atiśa explains the term so sor thar pa’i sdom pa and associates the Buddha-nature doctrine with that of the Great Madhyamaka (dbu ma chen po), which teaches that there is nobody who is not a recipient of the Mahāyāna (i.e. ekayāna)." Kano, K., Buddha-Nature and Emptiness, p. 101.

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Do the author's writings belong to the analytic or meditative tradition of Uttaratantra exegesis?
 
What is Buddha-nature?
  Tathāgatagarbha as a Causal Potential or Disposition (gotra)

"Atisa explains “the innate śīla" abiding in every being as a cause that brings one attainment (i.e. nirvāṇa), but as being covered with defilements in the state of ordinary beings. He takes it as synonymous with Buddha-nature or the mahāyānagotra." Kano, K., Buddha-Nature and Emptiness, p. 101.

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Does the author advocate the Svatantrika or Prasangika view of emptiness?
 

Other names

  • དཔལ་མར་མེད་མཛད་དཔལ་ཡེ་ཤེས་ · other names (Tibetan)
  • སློབ་དཔོན་ཆེན་པོ་དཔལ་མར་མེ་མཛད་ཡེ་ཤེས་ · other names (Tibetan)
  • རྒྱ་གར་གྱི་མཁན་པོ་དཔལ་ལྡན་མར་མེ་ · other names (Tibetan)
  • རྒྱ་གར་གྱི་མཁན་པོ་དཔལ་ལྡན་མར་མེ་མཛད་བཟང་པོ་ཡེ་ཤེས་སྙིང་པོ་ · other names (Tibetan)
  • དཱི་པཾ་ཀ་ར་ཤྲཱི་ཛྙཱ་ན་ · other names (Tibetan)
  • པཎྜིཏ་དཱི་པཾ་ཀ་ར་ · other names (Tibetan)
  • མགོན་པོ་ཨ་ཏི་ཤ་ · other names (Tibetan)
  • dpal mar med mdzad dpal ye shes · other names (Wylie)
  • slob dpon chen po dpal mar me mdzad ye shes · other names (Wylie)
  • rgya gar gyi mkhan po dpal ldan mar me · other names (Wylie)
  • rgya gar gyi mkhan po dpal ldan mar me mdzad bzang po ye shes snying po · other names (Wylie)
  • dI paM ka ra shrI dz+nyA na · other names (Wylie)
  • paN+Dita dI paM ka ra · other names (Wylie)
  • mgon po a ti sha · other names (Wylie)
  • Atīśa · other names
  • Atiśa Dīpaṃkara · other names
  • Dīpaṃkara Śrījñāna · other names
  • Śrī Dīpaṃkarajñānapada · other names
  • Dīpaṃkararakṣita · other names

Affiliations & relations

  • Nāropa · teacher
  • Suvarṇadvīpa Dharmakīrti · teacher
  • Bodhibhadra · teacher
  • 'brom ston pa · student
  • rin chen bzang po · student
  • lha btsun byang chub 'od · student
  • mgos khug pa lhas btsas · student
  • rngog legs pa'i shes rab · student

Tertön Gyatsa Information from the Rinchen Terdzö

Text
Tibetan
Wylie

The full Tertön Gyatsa text can be found at the following page: Volume 1 (ཀ), 341-765, 1a1-213a4.

Name in Gyatsa: ཇོ་བོ་རྗེ་དཱི་པཾ་ཀ་ར་ (jo bo rje dI paM ka ra)

Page #s for bio of this person: 517 to 518

Folio #s for bio of this person: 89a3 to 89b4

།སངས་རྒྱས་སྣང་བ་མཐའ་ཡས་དང་གུ་རུ་པདྨ་དབྱེར་མེད་པའི་རྣམ་འཕྲུལ་ས་གསུམ་དུ་གྲགས་པས་ཁྱབ་པའི་དཔལ་ལྡན་ཇོ་བོ་རྗེ་དཱི་པཾ་ཀ་ར་ནི་འཕགས་བོད་གཉིས་ན་ཡོངས་སུ་གྲགས་པའི་མཁས་གྲུབ་ཆེན་པོ། བྱང་ཆུབ་སེམས་ཀྱི་མངའ་བདག་བོད་ཁམས་ལ་བཀའ་དྲིན་ལྷག་པར་ཆེ་བ་སྟེ། རྣམ་ཐར་གྲགས་ཆེ་བས་འདིར་མ་བཀོད་ཅིང་། རྗེ་བཙུན་སྒྲོལ་མས་ལུང་གིས་བསྐུལ་ཞིང་བོད་ཀྱི་རྒྱལ་པོས་སྤྱན་དྲངས་པ་ལྟར་གངས་ཅན་དུ་ཕྱགས་ཕེབས། སངས་རྒྱས་ཀྱི་བསྟན་པའི་ག་དར་མཛད་ཅིང་ཉམས་པ་རྨང་ནས་གསོས། ལྷ་སར་རང་བཞིན་གྱི་རྣལ་འབྱོར་མ་ཕལ་པའི་སྣང་ངོར་སྨྱོན་མར་བརྫུ་བ་ཞིག་གིས་ལུང་བསྟན་ཏེ་ཀ་བ་བུམ་པ་ཅན་ནས་འདོམ་ཕྱེད་གཞལ་བའི་ས་ནས་ཆོས་རྒྱལ་སྲོང་བཙན་སྒམ་པོའི་བཀའ་ཆེམས་ཀྱི་ཡི་གེ་ཆེན་པོ། བཙུན་མོ་རྣམས་ཀྱིས་བཀོད་པའི་ལོ་རྒྱུས་དར་དཀར་གསལ་བ། བློན་པོ་རྣམས་ཀྱིས་བྱས་པའི་ལོ་རྒྱུས་ཟླ་བའི་འདོད་འཇོ་བཅས་དཀར་ཆག་ཤོག་དྲིལ་གསུམ་བཞེས། གཏེར་སྲུང་གཉན་པས་དེ་ཉིན་རང་དུ་རྣལ་འབྱོར་པ་སོགས་མི་བཞིས་ཞལ་བཤུས། དོ་ནུབ་སླར་སྦ་དགོས་པས་ལྷག་མ་བག་ཙམ་ལུས་པར་བཤད། ཇོ་བོས་རྣལ་འབྱོར་པ་ཆེན་པོ་ལ་གཏད། དེས་བྱ་ཡུལ་པ། དེས་ཐུགས་རྗེ་ཆེན་པོའི་ཆེ་བའི་ཡོན་ཏན་ཞིག་ལྷ་སའི་དཀོར་གཉེར་ལ་གནང་། མཐིང་ཤོག་ལ་གསེར་གྱིས་བྲིས་པའི་བུ་ཡིག་གདུང་རྟེན་དང་མ་ཕྱི་གློ་འབུར་གྱི་རྟ་མགྲིན་ལྡེར་སྐུ་ལ་བཅུག་སྐད། གཞན་ཡང་ཇོ་བོ་འདིས་འཕགས་ཡུལ་ནས་ཀྱང་བྷེ་ཏ་པདྨ་ཅན་གྱི་ལྷ་ཁང་ནས་གཙུག་ཏོར་སྡེ་ལྔའི་རྒྱལ་མཚན་འཛུག་པའི་ཆོ་ག་སོགས་གཏེར་ནས་བཞེས་པའང་གྲགས་སོ།

sangs rgyas snang ba mtha' yas dang gu ru pad+ma dbyer med pa'i rnam 'phrul sa gsum du grags pas khyab pa'i dpal ldan jo bo rje dI paM ka ra ni 'phags bod gnyis na yongs su grags pa'i mkhas grub chen po/_byang chub sems kyi mnga' bdag bod khams la bka' drin lhag par che ba ste/_rnam thar grags che bas 'dir ma bkod cing /_rje btsun sgrol mas lung gis bskul zhing bod kyi rgyal pos spyan drangs pa ltar gangs can du phyags phebs/_sangs rgyas kyi bstan pa'i ga dar mdzad cing nyams pa rmang nas gsos/_lha sar rang bzhin gyi rnal 'byor ma phal pa'i snang ngor smyon mar brdzu ba zhig gis lung bstan te ka ba bum pa can nas 'dom phyed gzhal ba'i sa nas chos rgyal srong btsan sgam po'i bka' chems kyi yi ge chen po/_btsun mo rnams kyis bkod pa'i lo rgyus dar dkar gsal ba/_blon po rnams kyis byas pa'i lo rgyus zla ba'i 'dod 'jo bcas dkar chag shog dril gsum bzhes/_gter srung gnyan pas de nyin rang du rnal 'byor pa sogs mi bzhis zhal bshus/_do nub slar sba dgos pas lhag ma bag tsam lus par bshad/_jo bos rnal 'byor pa chen po la gtad/_des bya yul pa/_des thugs rje chen po'i che ba'i yon tan zhig lha sa'i dkor gnyer la gnang /_mthing shog la gser gyis bris pa'i bu yig gdung rten dang ma phyi glo 'bur gyi rta mgrin lder sku la bcug skad/_gzhan yang jo bo 'dis 'phags yul nas kyang b+he ta pad+ma can gyi lha khang nas gtsug tor sde lnga'i rgyal mtshan 'dzug pa'i cho ga sogs gter nas bzhes pa'ang grags so

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